Abstract
The apparent loss of initial obstruents in Basque borrowings from Romance (e.g. laru << Lat. claru) is striking. While Proto-Basque is generally reconstructed as lacking initial clusters, the expected repair in loans, based on typology, phonology and phonetics, is copy-vowel epenthesis, not obstruent loss. Indeed, there is evidence for a vowel-copy process in Basque in other loans with obstruent-sonorant clusters (e.g. gurutze << Lat. cruce). We suggest that initial obstruent loss before /l/ but not /r/ is related to Romance developments. In the Romance varieties in contact with Basque, /fl pl bl kl gl/ all show evidence of neutralisation to /lambda/ word-initially. We hypothesise that obstruent loss in words like Basque laru reflects influence from local Romance languages at a time when Basque lacked /lambda/. In contrast, vowel copy conforming to Basque syllable structure was the norm in Romance loanwords with clusters not affected by this process.
| Dokumententyp: | Zeitschriftenartikel |
|---|---|
| Fakultät: | Sprach- und Literaturwissenschaften > Department 2 |
| Themengebiete: | 400 Sprache > 400 Sprache |
| ISSN: | 0952-6757 |
| Sprache: | Englisch |
| Dokumenten ID: | 53339 |
| Datum der Veröffentlichung auf Open Access LMU: | 14. Jun. 2018 09:52 |
| Letzte Änderungen: | 04. Nov. 2020 13:32 |
